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Friday, November 05, 2010

Greeks vote;Turkey is to blame;Romanian stance,Kosovo;Nargorno Karabakh;"Anti-Russian psychosis";Sharia law,US court;Orthodox,Western World



Greek voters go to the polls Sunday in fraught local elections widely seen as a referendum on the government's tough austerity program. Poor results could force the ruling Socialists to call new nationwide polls after only a year in office. In the past two weeks, Prime Minister George Papandreou has said he would seek a fresh mandate for his government if voters don't back his party's candidates Sunday--a prospect that has unsettled the country's financial markets and drawn veiled criticism from Greece's international lenders. The elections come amid growing discontent over the government's harsh economic measures and even as Greek authorities deal with a spate of mail bomb attacks by a far-left extremist group that has targeted foreign leaders and institutions across Europe. On Thursday, Greek police charged two men in connection with the terrorist plot and intercepted a 14th booby-trapped parcel in the capital. Voters who have already endured a grinding, two-year economic slump now worry that both the recession and the current austerity measures will continue for months to come with no immediate signs of recovery. In May, Greece narrowly avoided bankruptcy with the help of an EUR110 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund and European Union in exchange for a three-year austerity and reform program. That program has led to steep cuts in pensions and public-sector salaries, as well as a raft of new taxes on everything from cigarettes to basic foodstuffs. The measures have drawn the ire of Greece's unions and led to repeated strikes and protests around the country. At the same time, the program has weighed on the economy, which is expected to shrink by 4% this year, while unemployment has rocketed to 12% in July from 9.6% a year earlier and business bankruptcies have soared. But even amid the discontent with the Socialists' economic policies, many voters are also unhappy with the opposition, center-right New Democracy party which they blame for mismanaging the economy during their five-and-a-half years in office. Analysts say that Sunday's polls may be marked by a high level of abstentions and protest voting as Greeks turn their backs on both of the major parties. According to public-opinion polls from early October, the Socialists have continued to enjoy a solid lead of 6 to 14.5 percentage points over New Democracy. But officials from both parties say that lead has shrunk in the past several weeks and is one factor that prompted Papandreou to raise the specter of snap national elections late last month--a move analysts say may have backfired. What is less clear, however, is what will decide the margin of victory for the government. Because of the diffuse nature of the local elections--which are being conducted under new election laws and following a sweeping reorganization of Greece's municipalities--the results could be murky.


Martin Kettle's claim that Turkey is "held hostage by the atavistic parochialism of a Greek Cypriot statelet of fewer than one million people and with a declining GDP of $23bn" is far from the truth. Kettle concerns himself with "the big issues" facing Europe such as its shrinking population and integration as well as energy and security. But it is frequently stated that Europe is a community of values, and on this basis the Cyprus question must be seen as a principle issue. Kettle mentions that Europe and Turkey have common interests, agreements worth making and promises to keep. However, it is precisely because Turkey has reneged on its commitment in July 2005 to extend the customs union to the Republic of Cyprus that the European Council in December 2006 decided to block the opening of eight negotiating chapters. In 1965 Turkey ratified the Hague convention of 1954 for the protection of cultural property in the event of armed conflict, but nevertheless after its intervention and subsequent occupation of Cyprus in 1974 it has been responsible for the devastation, vandalism and looting of the island's cultural heritage on a scale unworthy of any civilised nation, let alone a prospective member of the EU. Despite UN security council resolutions calling on Turkey to withdraw its forces from northern Cyprus – and that of the European parliament in February this year – Turkey has stubbornly refused to do so. In fact, Turkey has declared on more than one occasion that if it has to make a choice between its accession to the EU and Cyprus, it will choose Cyprus. So far, this intransigence has been rewarded, for example, with a seat on the UN security council as a non-permanent member and both the US and Europe are prepared to turn a blind eye to Turkey's depredations. The security issue looms large for many European politicians, and the fear is that Europe will do to Cyprus what it did to the Sudetenland in 1938. Turkey's justification for retaining control is legally indefensible, as it constantly refers to the treaty of guarantee from 1960, which gave it the right to take unilateral action after the Greek junta's coup against Archbishop Makarios in 1974. However, the exercise of this right is limited by the aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the treaty – that is, to recognise and guarantee the independence, territorial integrity and security of the Republic of Cyprus. This Turkey has manifestly failed to do but has instead created a Turkish state in northern Cyprus not only to the detriment of the Greek Cypriots, whose property was confiscated by the self-styled "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus", but also the Turkish Cypriots, who have suffered under Turkish rule. In violation of Article 49.6 of the Geneva convention of 1949, which stipulates that the occupying power shall not transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, Turkey has transferred several hundred thousand settlers from Anatolia to northern Cyprus. The 90,000 or so Turkish Cypriots who remain are, according to Mehmet Cakici, chairman of the Turkish Cypriot Social Democracy party (TDP), "facing the danger of being annihilated, both with their demographic structure and their culture and social structure". For example, the Turkish Cypriot primary school and secondary school teachers' unions (KTOS and KTOES) have protested against the imposition of Sunni Islam and Qur'an classes, which reflect the ideology of the current Turkish government. There is also the fact that over the past years more mosques than schools have been constructed in northern Cyprus (there are 162 schools and 181 mosques). The crime rate has soared because of the uncontrolled immigration from Turkey and education and health services are overburdened. Northern Cyprus is de facto Turkey's 82nd province, and the TRNC is regarded by the European court of human rights as "a subordinate local administration" under Turkish jurisdiction. The TRNC's economy is also underpinned by Turkey and in a once fertile area 80% of the need for fruits and vegetables is met by Turkey. As a Turkish commentator put it last year: "[Northern] Cyprus is like a water mill that cannot run without hand-carried water." This is why Turkey is desperate to open direct trade with northern Cyprus, both to relieve its financial burden and as one step towards international recognition of the separatist state. Turkey perennial self-justification for maintaining its presence on the island is to consolidate the security of the Muslim Turkish community but this excuse is wearing thin. The most convincing reason has been advanced by the architect of Turkey's multi-dimensional foreign policy, the present foreign minister, Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, in his book Strategic Depth from 2001. Here Davutoglu states clearly: "Even if there was not one single Muslim Turk over there, Turkey would have to maintain a Cyprus question. No country could possibly be indifferent to an island like this, placed in the heart of its vital space." This is why reunification talks are getting nowhere, however hard Dimitris Christofias, the Greek Cypriot president, tries. The new Turkish Cypriot leader, Dervis Eroglu, unlike the former leader, Mehmet Ali Talat, is simply not interested that they should go anywhere, and takes his orders directly from Ankara. As Martin Kettle writes about the prospect of Turkey's EU membership: "the failure is predictable, disgraceful and incredibly shortsighted". And it's Turkey's fault. To read an indepth explanation of the events leading to and subsequent crisis in cyprus, please click here.


Romania will not change its stance regarding recognizing Kosovo "because it is a matter of principle", Romanian FM Teodor Baconschi said in Bucharest. A unilateral act cannot turn an area into an independent state, Baconschi said at a briefing for European journalists. Along with Spain, Greece, Slovakia and Cyprus, Romania is one of five EU countries that have not recognized Kosovo's unilaterally declared independence. With the exception of Cyprus, these states are also NATO members. Baconschi noted that things in Kosovo cannot go back to the way they were, but that Romania hopes Belgrade and Priština will be able to cooperate and normalize relations for the benefit of stability in the Western Balkans, reported Rome-based news agency Apcom.


A draft resolution on the settlement of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been withdrawn from the agenda of NATO's Parliamentary Assembly, the head of the Armenian delegation said. Karen Avagyan said the talks on the conflict are held in the format of the OSCE Minsk Group, and Armenia earlier asked NATO to give up plans to discuss the Karabakh problem at the Assembly. Relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are strained over Nagorny Karabakh, a predominantly ethnic Armenian region. The conflict first erupted in 1988, when the region claimed independence from Azerbaijan to join Armenia. Over 30,000 people are estimated to have died on both sides between 1988 and 1994, when a ceasefire was agreed. Nagorny Karabakh has remained in Armenian control and tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia have persisted. In May, the Karabakh region elected a 33-seat parliament with a voter turnout of almost 68%. Azerbaijani officials called the elections "illegal," saying they could seriously harm peace efforts. The OSCE Minsk Group, comprising the United States, Russia and France, was created in 1992 to encourage a peaceful, negotiated resolution to the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorny Karabakh.


Russia on Friday condemned as a "provocation" the arrest of four alleged Russian spies in Georgia, saying its part of a Georgian "anti-Russian psychosis" led by Georgian president, Mikheil "We are deeply angered by the reports about the arrests of Russian citizens in Georgia and we are currently studying the situation," a Russian Foreign Ministry source told Interfax. According to Moscow, the arrests were made "on the eve of the NATO-Russia summit in Lisbon and the OSCE summit in Astana to hurt Russia." The detention of Russian citizens is "a provocation showing another worsening of the anti-Russian psychosis of the Georgian leadership," the source said. Georgia announced on Friday the arrest of thirteen people, including four Russians, for spying for Russia, a country that broke diplomatic relations with Tbilisi in August 2008. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev has said that normalization of relations between both countries is impossible as long as Saakashvili remains in power, whose second presidential term expires in 2013. Georgia severed diplomatic relations with Russia on August 26, 2008, the same day the Kremlin recognized the independence of the Georgians breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.


A Muslim advocacy group is suing to stop a measure approved by Oklahoma voters on Tuesday that would ban judges in the state from considering Islamic law in court proceedings. About 70 percent of voters approved State Question 755, which says “the courts shall not consider international law or Sharia Law.” Muneer Awad, director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations's Oklahoma chapter, filed the suit in U.S. District Court to block officials from certifying the measure. Awad told the Wall Street Journal the measure violates the First Amendment right to practice religion without government intervention. CAIR legal adviser Gadeir Abbas said SQ755 was "designed to stigmatize Muslims, to turn the Constitution of Oklahoma into a vehicle for oppressing a minority that is currently unpopular." The "Save Our State Amendment" was proposed by Republican state Sen. Anthony Sykes, who said the amendment isn’t about persecuting Muslims but keeping the Oklahoma judiciary system from “sliding down a slippery slope.” Former CIA Director Jim Woolsey, who worked to get the amendment passed, said on Fox and Friends this morning that it's about not allowing criminals to use religious code to circumvent the system when they're "prosecuted for beating or assaulting their wives or daughters... What we really need to do is make sure people can’t void the impact of criminal law by citing their religious beliefs,” he said. In New Jersey, a judge declined to place a restraining order on a Moroccan man who forced his wife to have sex. The ruling was later overturned. A hearing is set for Monday.


The definition of our stand as Orthodox Christians with other Christians, either in the sphere of broad institutions, such as that of the ecumenical movement, or in more modest meetings and in our everyday life, depends entirely upon our own conception of what we are. Controversies about actual name of our Church – is it or is it not an Orthodox “Catholic” Church? Is it “Greek”? Is it “Russian”? – show that our real stand has not yet been really clarified in some minds. And there are other signs, much more important than these misunderstandings about words, which indicate that we are not yet quite clear about the way we are supposed to follow, particularly here in America. Meanwhile, time is running short; the responsibility clearly belongs to our generation – today! First of all there is one striking fact about the Orthodox Church in this mid-twentieth century: she is no more physically absent in the Western World. She is present here both physically and spiritually and we - you and I – are responsible for the efficiency of that presence. She can no more be really called “Eastern” when millions and millions of her faithful are, for several generations, citizens of the Western countries, when they speak the language of these countries, when they intend to remain here and to build up the Church and when hundreds of converts join the Church regularly, without any real proselytizing on our part. This Orthodox “diaspora” is obviously one of the most important spiritual events of the twentieth century and it can not be considered as just as historical accident: a definite will of God entrusts us with the responsibility for a worthwhile message about the True Christian Church. Do we really meet the challenge? With special reference to the situation of Orthodoxy in America, it is clear that three basic conditions are to be fulfilled by us in order to respond to the situation in which we find ourselves by the will of God: 1. We must be united. The nationalistic feelings which currently separate the Orthodox Church in America into a dozen or more jurisdictions (Greek, Russian, Serbian, etc.) is sinful, uncanonical and impractical for further progress. It is sinful because it is contrary to Christian Love. It is uncanonical because in contradicts the clearest statements of Ecumenical Councils: “There may not be two bishops in one city” (First Ecumenical Council, Cannon 8). It is impractical for the obvious reason that a united church of some 3,000,000 communicants would be much more able to face the problems we face now in our individual jurisdictions. 2. We must have more concern for education. Building churches – without teaching our youth, without giving the necessary training to future priests, without giving to our community the means to give an articulate witness to Orthodoxy – cannot lead very far in the future of the Church. And it is dangerous, because without education many elements of our Faith are lost or distorted: our entire thinking becomes sickly polarized between superficial liberalism and a fanatical “super-Orthodoxy”, which confuse the Holy Tradition of the Church with simple human-made practices and local traditions. Meanwhile, our seminaries are deprived either of the required material means or of adequate academic standards. We have no high schools of our own, no colleges nor universities. 3. since we claim to possess the Christian Faith in its truly “catholic” (i.e., all embracing and universal) form, we must accept with love and humility the problems of the Western Christianity as our own and search for their Orthodox solution. To think that we will convert America to Byzantine culture, or preserve Orthodoxy by locking it in nationalistic ghetto, sentimentally attached to the past – be it “Holy Russia” or “Hellenism” – is possible only through self-righteous naivete. The great Fathers of the Church were called “Fathers” because they faced the problems of their time and were concerned with the heresies of their day. Our task is to become their authentic “sons”. This requires a tremendous effort of our part, but an effort which will be immensely profitable for our own sake. It means that nothing but heresy and error should be foreign to us, either in Western Christianity or in the Western World as a whole, which has become our world because God has placed us here. We surely can keep and preserve the great Byzantine tradition which has been tested vehicle of Orthodox Christianity for so many centuries but as a basic, not as a prison. “The Truth shall make you free”, said the Lord (John 8:32) and St. Paul gives us the great example of the true Christian attitude versus a conflicting society – this attitude is that of a debtor: “I am debtor both to the Greeks and to the barbarians; both to the wise, and to the unwise” (Rom. 1:14). There can be no clearer expression of our task for today. Fr. John Meyendorff. “Witness to the World”, S. Vladimir Seminary Press. Crestwood, N.Y. 1987. Pages 211-213.