I. JP - A role for Greece
Without a doubt, recent developments in the Middle East have had a negative impact on Israel’s security. The popular uprising in Egypt casts doubt on all existing arrangements, while its outcome remains unknown; it could well end up producing another hostile Islamic country. At the same time, Hizbullah has strengthened its grip on Lebanon, relations with Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Turkey keep deteriorating, Iran appears steadfast on its path to acquire nuclear weapons and Hamas is entrenched in Gaza. Within this framework of uncertainty, insecurity and danger, the emerging informal Israeli-Greek alliance has the potential to bring Israel closer to Europe and act as a source of regional stability. Over the past few months, and following Binyamin Netanyahu’s historic visit to Greece last August (the first by an Israeli prime minister), cooperation between the two countries has been broad and multifaceted. It covers the realms of defense (joint air force exercises), culture, tourism (a 200 percent rise in Israelis visiting Greece) and economics (with several projects being discussed in fields such as agrotechnology and energy). Also noteworthy is the mission that Athens underwrote during the recent Carmel wildfires. It included a 70-member rescue operation comprised of crewmen, pilots, firefighters and several planes. A bilateral cabinet meeting is to be convened this spring in Israel announcing several major new projects. This rapprochement enjoys broad bipartisan support in Greece, and hence is essentially administration-proof (a qualitative difference from the Turkish-Israeli alliance of the 1990s, which was opposed by the Islamists from the beginning). In addition to mutually beneficial aspects, this new alliance can contribute to regional stability in a series of concrete ways. First, by continuing to maintain excellent relations with the Arab and Muslim peoples of the Middle East, Athens can contribute to the maximum extent possible (for a country of Greece’s size) toward alleviating regional conflicts and facilitating peace efforts. Prime Minister George Papandreou’s attempts to visit Cairo during the uprising offers an example of the kind of action that could take place. Second, Greece can help ease tensions between Turkey and Israel. This may sound surprising, but we should keep in mind that Athens maintains good relations with Ankara, and fervently supports the country’s European perspective. The elimination of all strained regional relations is ultimately in its best interest. Third, there is the huge Leviathan natural gas field. The construction of an undersea pipeline possibly connecting Leviathan to Cyprus and Crete is apparently being discussed. Such a development could be a game changer. It would certainly alter Israel’s position vis-a-vis Europe, and lessen the continent’s energy dependence on Russia (especially significant now, since the Nabucco gas pipeline project appears problematic). In addition, it is not necessarily farfetched to envision a network of pipelines bringing together Israel, Greece, Cyprus, Egypt (if it stabilizes in a responsible fashion), a future Palestinian state (if there is gas in its putative territorial waters) and Iran (if there is ever a regime change there)... Furthermore, Greece and Israel have to get to know each other in a much better way. Frequent visits by journalists, politicians, diplomats and youth groups are now necessary. Understanding can be deepened through the contribution of think tanks and academics, perhaps on an institutionalized basis; and businesspeople should be at the forefront of significant cooperative ventures. Finally, Athens can create a legal framework allowing Israeli citizens who can prove descent from Greek Jews who survived the Holocaust to claim Greek (and hence EU) citizenship (a precedent exists for Greeks from former Soviet republics). Such an inclusive gesture would probably solidify cooperation among the two peoples for at least a generation. An informal Israeli-Greek alliance deserves to be better understood and fully supported.
II. ANA - Meeting on FYROM name issue, Cyprus
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon has expressed hope that a mutually acceptable solution to the dispute over the name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) will be found, ahead of talks on Wednesday between representatives of Greece and FYROM mediated by UN envoy Matthew Nimetz. The UN chief made the statement on Tuesday, after briefing the UN Security Council on the results of his recent tour of Europe and Africa. Responding to questions about the meeting with Nimetz, he said that the envoy was continuing talks to find a solution. He urged the leaders of both countries to resolve the issue of the name as soon as possible so that FYROM, in particular, might be able to progress toward accession of NATO and the European Union. "There are many important issues that must be dealt with as soon as possible for peace and security in the region," he added. The UN Secretary General also expressed an intention to meet again with the leaders of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities on Cyprus but did not specify when and where, indicating that this would depend on the results of the meetings being held in Cyprus by the UN special envoy for Cyprus Alexander Downer. The precise time, the daily agenda and the location are to be decided since Alexander Downer is continuing to evaluate the situation on the ground, he said. Ban Ki Moon called on the two leaders on Cyprus to intensify negotiations so that they might bridge their differences. Concerning the meeting held in Geneva, he said that Cyprus President Demetris Christofias and Turkish-Cypriot community leader Dervis Eroglu had outlined some of their differences, while adding that "more work needs to be done". Asked whether he was satisfied with the point reached in the negotiations so far, the UNSG stressed that he will be satisfied "when the two leaders agree on all the fundamental issues". He indicated his satisfaction, however, with a commitment by Christofias and Eroglu to deal with all the issues through negotiations.
III. MEO - Greek exports eye Arab markets
With their domestic market reeling from a bruising debt crisis, Greek companies are looking again to the Arab world for new trading partners, with Cyprus serving as their springboard to the region. This week, representatives of more than 70 Greek agricultural, pharmaceutical and construction businesses met with their counterparts from Egypt, Iraq and Lebanon during a two-day event in Nicosia called the EU-Arab Countries Bridge Greek Business Delegation. Dozens of Cypriot companies were on hand as well, sniffing out alternative markets as they grapple with weakening consumer demand on the island, an EU member state since May 2004... Greece has traditionally been happy to meet its own internal demand, with exports contributing only seven percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), according to data from the Greek International Business Association (SEVE). That is far below the EU average of 20 percent -- and even then, less than 10 percent of Greek exports went to Arab markets. Greece is keen to reverse that state of affairs, and indeed exports have gone up since last July, but so far the biggest hurdle is proving to be red tape.
Serbia will host an annual NATO conference this year, in a sign of improving ties between the alliance and the country it bombed over Kosovo in 1999. Serb Defence Minister Dragan Sutanovac says NATO's decision to hold the conference in Belgrade in June is an important boost for the Balkan country. In Brussels, NATO said the annual gathering will be held from June 13-15 in Belgrade and focus on strategic issues of common interest. Wednesday's statement says the conference will include delegations from member and partner nations. Serbia is part of NATO's Partnership for Peace program for former Communist nations, but many here remain opposed to full membership because of the 1999 air war which forced Serbia to relinquish control over Kosovo.
The two Mistral class amphibious assault ships built in France for the Russian Navy will be put in service with the Pacific Fleet, a Russian Defense Ministry source said Wednesday. "After the [first two] Mistral ships are built and enter service, they are expected to join the Pacific Fleet," the source said. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev earlier on Wednesday ordered naval and ground-based units deployed on the disputed South Kuril Islands, located in the Pacific, to be equipped with advanced weaponry. Moscow and Paris signed an intergovernmental agreement to jointly build four Mistral class ships on January 25. Under the Russian-French agreement the first Mistral-class ship, with a price tag of 720 million euros, is expected to be built in late 2013-early 2014 and the second in late 2014-early 2015. A Mistral-class ship is capable of carrying 16 helicopters, four landing vessels, 70 armored vehicles, and 450 personnel. Russia will also invest heavily in the modernization of the defense infrastructure on the four Kuril Islands and in the upgrade of weaponry used by units deployed on these islands. The South Kuril Islands were seized from Japan by Soviet troops at the end of World War Two and remain a source of tension between Moscow and Tokyo. Russia claims that the islands are "unalienable Russian territory."
VI. WSJ - Supertanker Attacked Off Oman Coast
A supertanker loaded with 270,000 metric tons of crude oil was attacked early Wednesday morning off the coast of Oman, the vessel's manager said. The incident, the second against a tanker in the region in 24 hours, comes after unrest in Egypt rekindled concerns over the reliability of oil transit in the Middle East and East Africa. The owners of the vessel, Greece-based N.S. Lemos & Co., said separately that the ship was hijacked. Twenty-five crew members were on board, including seven Greek nationals, 17 Filipinos and one Georgian, according to a statement from Greece's Enesel SA, which manages the ship. "All the appropriate authorities have been contacted and made aware of the situation, including the flag state and the counter-piracy coordination force," it said. It was referring to the European Union Naval Force Somalia, or Eunavfor, which confirmed the hijacking. The vessel was headed to the U.S. Gulf Coast from Mina Al Ahmadi, Kuwait, according to the statement. The very large crude carrier Irene SL has ceased all communications with its owners, according to Eunavfor. Mohamad Al Shatti, manager for the office of the chief executive at Kuwait Petroleum Corp., denied reports by ship brokers that it had chartered the ship. "The hijacked vessel was not chartered by KPC; there is no relation," he told Zawya Dow Jones. Eunavfor said separately that Italian-flagged oil tanker MV Savina Caylin was hijacked 670 nautical miles east of Socotra Island in the Indian Ocean in the early hours of Tuesday. The vessel, which has a deadweight of 104,255 metric tons, was on passage from Sudan to Malaysia when it was attacked, it said. Political unrest in Egypt in recent weeks has led to fears oil routes crossing the country—including the Suez canal—could be disrupted, pushing oil prices above $100 a barrel. But the transit through the North African country has so far suffered no disruptions.
Turkey has been a secular republic for almost a century. Nevertheless, the country is being pulled in opposite directions by powerful forces. On one side are secularizing pressures, which have led many in Turkey to look increasingly westward toward Europe. In 2005, Turkey formally applied for full membership in the European Union, a process that has still to run its course. The EU is calling for Turkey to liberalize many of its political, social, and economic policies, including full implementation of freedom of religion among Turkish citizens, a concept enshrined in the Turkish Constitution. On the other hand, the historic orientation towards the Muslim Middle East, facilitated by Turkey’s 99% Muslim population and grounded in Turkey’s Ottoman past, has provided a competing set of pressures, especially over the last two decades. In November 2002 the Islamist-based Justice and Development Party won a landslide election victory, cooling interest among some Turks in the European connection and reinforcing ties with certain Muslim nations of the Middle East. The Turkish government officially recognizes three minority religions: Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, and Judaism. However, rising Islamic consciousness has led to an increase in discrimination and persecution directed against religious minorities. Here are several manifestations of that problem: 1.Turkish identity cards, a government prescription, stipulate the religious affiliation of each citizen of the state. These expose individual non-Muslims to discrimination and harassment, including lack of access to careers in state institutions. 2. “Religious minorities [report] difficulties opening, maintaining, and operating houses of worship.” Unfortunately, this accords with public sentiment: In a 2009 survey of a sample of Turks, 59% of respondents considered that non-Muslims should not be allowed to hold open meetings where they can discuss their ideas. Furthermore, 54% of respondents believed that non-Muslims should not be allowed to publish literature that describes their faith. 3. Violence against Christians is on the rise. In 2006, a Catholic priest was shot and killed in Trabzon, Turkey. In April 2007, three Christians were bound, tortured, and killed by young Muslim radicals at a Christian publishing house at Malatya in southeastern Turkey. In August 2009, a Muslim held a knife to the throat of a convert to Christianity, denouncing him as a “missionary dog,” who had betrayed Turkey by leaving Islam and evangelizing others. This 2009 incident perfectly represents the mindset described by Ziya Meral, a London-based Turkish scholar and activist: “To be a Turk is to be a Muslim, thus to leave Islam is to betray the Turkish nation.” This same mindset prompted retired Turkish general Veli Kucuk to observe, in testimony at the Malatya trial, that the state lumped Christian missionary activity in with Muslim extremism, both seen as a threat to the nation. How sad and strange that Christians are abused today in Turkey. This was the land of Paul’s first missionary journey, of his epistles to Galatians and Ephesians, of Peter’s letter to the saints in “Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia” (1 Peter 1:1), of Revelation’s letters to the seven churches, and of early Church councils in Nicaea, Ephesus, and Chalcedon. But by A.D. 674, Muslims had already begun attacks on Constantinople, a campaign that would finally succeed when the Ottoman Turks captured the city in 1453. Thus, the land changed hands, and with it, the fortunes of its churches. Turkey is clearly at a hinge point in its history, with the next decade likely to reveal whether the country moves closer to Western Europe or the Muslim world to the east. That decision will significantly impact Turkey’s fledgling and beleaguered Christian community.